Conservatism

Conservative ideas and doctrines first emerged in the late eighteenth and early

nineteenth centuries as a reaction against the growing pace of economic and

political change, which was in many ways symbolised by the French Revolution. However, from the outset, divisions in conservative thought were apparent. In continental Europe, an authoritarian and reactionary form of Conservatism developed that rejected out of hand any idea of reform. A more cautious, more flexible, and ultimately more successful form of conservatism nevertheless emerged in the UK and the USA that prudently accepted ‘natural’ change, or ‘change in order to conserve’. This stance enabled conservatives from the late nineteenth century onwards to embrace the cause of social reform under the banner of paternalism and social duty. Nevertheless, such ideas came under increasing pressure from the 1970s onwards as a result of the development of the New Right.

Conservatives have typically distrusted the developed theories and abstract principles which characterize other political traditions, preferring instead to trust in tradition, history and experience. An enduring theme in conservative thought is the perception of society as a moral community, held together by shared values and beliefs, and functioning as an organic whole. This inclines conservatives to advocate strong government and the strict enforcement of law and order but, mindful of the danger of despotism, they have usually insisted upon a balanced constitution. Although traditional conservatives have been firm supporters of private property, they have typically advocated a non-ideological and pragmatic attitude to the relationship between the state and the individual. Whereas conservatism in the USA carries with it the implication of limited government, the paternalistic tradition, evident in ‘One Nation conservatism’ in the UK and Christian Democracy in continental

Europe, overlaps with the welfarist and interventionist beliefs found in modern liberalism and social democracy.

The New Right encompasses two distinct and, some would argue, conflicting traditions: economic liberalism and social conservatism. Economic liberalism or neo-liberalism, often seen as the dominant theme within the New Right, draws heavily upon classical liberalism and advocates rolling back the frontiers of the state in the name of private enterprise, the free market and individual responsibility. As a backlash against the steady growth of state power perpetrated through much of the twentieth century by liberal, socialist and conservative governments, neo-liberalism can be seen as a manifestation of the libertarian tradition. Social conservatives, or neo-conservatives, draw attention to the perceived breakdown of order and social stability that has resulted from the spread of liberal and permissive values. They highlight the dangers implicit in moral and cultural diversity, propose that traditional values be strengthened, and argue for a restoration of authority and social discipline.

Conservative political thought has always been open to the charge that it amounts to ruling-class ideology. In proclaiming the need to resist change, it legitimizes the status quo and defends the interests of dominant or elite groups. Other critics allege that divisions between traditional conservatism and the New Right runs so deep that the conservative tradition has become entirely incoherent. However, in their defence, conservatives argue that they are merely advancing certain enduring, if unpalatable, truths about human nature and the societies we live in. That human beings are morally and intellectually imperfect, and seek the security that only tradition, authority and a shared culture can offer, merely underlines the wisdom of ‘travelling light’ in theoretical terms. Experience and history will always provide a sounder basis for political theory than will abstract principles such as liberty, equality and justice.

Key figures

Edmund Burke : Burke was the father of the Anglo-American conservative political tradition. A supporter of the American Revolution of 1776, he was deeply opposed to the French Revolution on the grounds that wisdom resides not in abstract principles but in experience, tradition and history. In Burke’s view, society is a partnership between ‘those who are living, those who are dead and those who are to be born’. Burke had a gloomy view of government, recognizing that, although it can prevent evil, it rarely

promotes good.

Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–59) A French politician, political theorist and historian, de Tocqueville gave an ambivalent account of an emerging democratic society which has had a profound effect upon both conservative and liberal theory. He highlighted the dangers associated with greater equality of opportunity and social mobility. In particular, he warned against the growth of atomized individualism brought about through the erosion of traditional social bonds and structure, and the dangers of a ‘tyranny of the majority’, the tendency of public opinion in a democratic polity to discourage diversity and independent thought, paving the way for the rise of demagogic politics. De Tocqueville’s most important work is his epic Democracy in

America ([1835–40]1954).

Michael Oakeshott (1901–90) A UK political philosopher, Oakeshott made a major contribution to conservative traditionalism. By highlighting the importance of civil association and insisting upon the limited province of politics, he developed themes closely associated with liberal thought. Oakeshott outlined a powerful defence of a non-ideological style of politics, arguing in favour of traditional values and established customs on the grounds that the conservative disposition is ‘to prefer the familiar to the unknown, to prefer the tried to the untried, fact to misery, the actual to the possible’. Oakeshott’s best-known works include Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays (1962) and On Human Conduct (1975).

Irving Kristol (1920– ) A US journalist and social critic, Kristol has been one of the leading exponents of American neo-conservatism. He was a member of a group of intellectuals and academics, centred around journals such as Commentary and The Public Interest, who in the 1970s abandoned liberalism and became increasingly critical of the spread of welfarism and the ‘counterculture’. Whilst accepting the need for a predominantly market economy and fiercely rejecting socialism, Kristol criticizes libertarianism in the marketplace as well as in morality. In particular, he defends the family and religion as the indispensable pillars of a decent society. Kristol’s best known writings include Two Cheers for Capitalism (1978) and Reflections of a Neo-Conservative (1983).

Further Reading

Honderich, T. Conservatism. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1990.

Kirk, R. The Conservative Mind, 7th edn. London: Faber, 1986.

Scruton, R. The Meaning of Conservatism, 3rd edn. Basingstoke: Palgrave

Macmillan, 2001.